Bobby Baker, Lyndon Johnson and the Assassination of JFK (2024)

Were the Kennedys in the process of getting rid of Lyndon Johnson in November, 1963? Absolutely 100% and I don't see why there is even an argument about this anymore. There are many sources on this. Well, actually, I do, because understanding this fact leads to Lyndon Johnson's direct participation in the JFK assassination and some people don't like that because it contradicts their pet theories on the JFK assassination.

Here is just one big data point about how the Kennedys were out to utterly destroy LBJ with the media in November, 1963 and it comes from journalist Phil Brennan:

“Some Relevant Facts about the JFK Assassination” by Phil Brennan forNewsMax on Nov 18, 2003

["Some Relevant Facts About the JFK Assassination," Phil Brennan, NewsMax, 11-18-2003]

http://www.newsmax.com/Pre-2008/Some-Relevant-Facts-About/2003/11/18/id/677423/

Also: http://home.earthlink.net/~sixthfloor/brennen.htm

Phil Brennan
Wednesday, Nov. 19, 2003

There’s an explosive new book that lays out a very detailed – and persuasive – case for the probability that the late President Lyndon Baines Johnson was responsible for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy

I say persuasive because the author, Barr McClellan, was one of LBJ's top
lawyers, and he provides a lot of information hitherto unknown to the general
public - much more of which he says is buried in secret documents long
withheld from the American people.

"The American public has waited forty years to hear the truth about the JFKassassination," McClellan says. "For government agencies to withholdcritical evidence and not cooperate with the [1998 investigation conductedby the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB)] is a form ofobstruction of justice. Under the requirements of the Freedom of Information Act, the public should be granted access to these documents."

According to McClellan and Doug Horne, a former ARRB investigator, hundredsof relevant documents were withheld from the 1998 investigation into theJFK assassination. They believe that these materials are now in the possession of the National Archives, relocated from sealed files previouslycontrolled by the CIA and FBI.

McClellan also asked for a formal review of the evidence in his book, "Blood,Money & Power: How L.B.J. Killed J.F.K.," which establishes a directconnection between LBJ and an individual involved with the assassinationand cover-up.

"At this time we need to see what else is missing and what else would be helpful to presenting the entire truth," McClellan continued. "The Senate
Judiciary Committee and the Department of Justice could make the requestof the National Archives and should do so."

Now, in normal circumstance I would tend to view this latest explanation of whowas behind the killing of JFK as exactly that - just another theory amongdozens. But the circumstances are not normal. Poll after poll establishes thatan overwhelming majority of Americans believe that the official verdict of theWarren Commission is simply not borne out by what little is known publiclyabout the case.

McClellan's new book adds to those facts and names a second suspect he says was a longtime assassin for Lyndon Johnson, whom he portrays as ...
well, as being homicidal whenever he or his many concealed interests were
threatened.

Add to that the incredible inconsistencies in the FBI and Secret Service
investigations, which reek with the stench of cover-up, and one can't escapethe conclusion that if LBJ did nothing else in dealing with the aftermath ofthe assassination, he sure as hell clamped a lid on any evidence thatcontradicted the official finding that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lonegunman acting solely on his own initiative.

I report all of this as a prelude to revealing what I know about the matter but havenever before written about - in the beginning, because I had a wife andseven children to protect, and since, because I had no reason to revisit thematter.

Let's start with this: McClellan and others before him have discussed the fact thatLBJ faced some pretty awful prospects, including not only being dumpedfrom the 1964 ticket but also spending a long, long time in the slammer as aresult of his role in the rapidly expanding Bobby Baker case - something fewhave speculated about because the full facts were never revealed by themedia, which didn't want to know, or report, the truth.

Sometime in early 1963 I was approached by a young lady with whom I hadworked on Nixon's 1960 campaign staff. She asked me if I would meet withher fiancé, who was in great difficulty - and in danger of being murdered.

At the time I was on the staff of the House Republican Policy Committee, andone of my assignments was to keep my bosses up to date on what was
going on behind the scenes in the Cold War, analyzing intelligence that
came our way and otherwise engaging in a never-ending clandestine, back-
alley war with the Democrat majority.

I was also writing a Washington column for Bill Buckley's National Reviewmagazine under the cover name Cato, a fact known only to the top GOPHouse leadership, which allowed me to do the column as long as I didn't use my byline or write it on government time.

Moreover, in my Cato column I had recently broken the story about the Billie SolEstes scandal, which involved Estes' crony, Lyndon Johnson.
The young lady knew all that, and that's why she came to me. I agreed to meetwith her fiancé, a South Carolinian named Ralph Hill. We met at the MarketInn, had a couple of martinis, and Hill told me his tale of woe.

He had come to Washington some time before and was steered to a fellow SouthCarolinian, one Bobby Baker, the powerful secretary of the Senate and avery close associate of Vice President Lyndon Johnson.

To make a long story short, Baker advised Hill to go into the vending machinebusiness and promised him he'd arrange to get some major defensecontractors to install the machines, which vended soft drinks, sandwiches,cigarettes and the like.

There was only one catch - Baker wanted under-the-table payoffs for his part insetting up what would be a very lucrative business opportunity with tens of thousands of potential customers who worked in defense plants.

True to his word, Baker got a number of defense contractors to agree to allow Hillthe exclusive right to install his vending machines on their premises. It wasan opportunity to print money by the barrel, and with those goldencontracts in hand, Hill was able to go to the bank and borrow all the funds heneeded to buy the vending machines and go into business. For a while heprospered - as did Baker.

But whatever he was paying Baker was not enough to satisfy the man who, for allintents and purposes, had the Senate under his thumb. He saw that the members of the Democrat majority got whatever they wanted - money, bimbos,LBJ's help, you name it. They were all in his pocket.

He could arrange multimillion-dollar contracts for the defense industry or takethem away if he wanted. He was LBJ's guy and was all-powerful and a very dangerous man to have as an enemy, a fact Ralph Hill learned whenBaker put the bite on him for bigger payoffs.

The problem for Hill was that he had big payments to make on the loans he'd taken out to buy the equipment and set himself up in business, had
some pretty steep overhead, and simply didn't have enough left over to
boost his payments to Baker.

He tried to explain that fact of life to Baker, but the secretary of the United StatesSenate wasn't having any. He simply repeated his demands and threatenedHill that if he didn't pay up he'd see that Hill lost all those juicy defense plantcontracts.

Bad went to worse, Baker made good on his threats, and Hill was facing
bankruptcy. Moreover, it was made known to him that if he didn't simply foldhis tent and go off without making trouble for Baker, he might meet with anunfortunate - and probably fatal - accident.

But Hill was facing bankruptcy and the loss of everything he had, and he simplywould not give up. He was fighting for his life. And he had the guts to hang inthere.

He asked me to help him. But I was completely a creature of the House side ofCapitol Hill - the Senate side was foreign territory and, I hate to admit it, Ididn't even have the vaguest idea of who this Bobby Baker, the Senate'simperial potentate, was.

I told Hill that his only way out was to expose Baker publicly, to get the story out- once it was public, Baker could not afford to retaliate. I advised Hill to filesuit against Baker, laying out all the sordid details in the complaint, and once h had served Baker, to give me the complaint papers and I'd see thatthe media on the Hill got their hands on copies.

He did and I did - and I now found myself a potential target, not only of Baker's but of the media as well, but that's another story. I was able to get
only two reporters to write the story - the late Clark Mohlenhoff, one of thebest investigative reporters in Washington, and one other whose name Idon't recall.

For the most part, the Washington press corps kept the lid on the story - until thelate Bob Humphrey, then the GOP Senate leadership's spokesman, anincredibly gifted strategist and a mentor, asked me to tell the story to the late Delaware Republican Sen. John Williams, a crusader for goodgovernment and a crackerjack of an investigator.

Sen. Williams asked me to introduce him to Hill and I did. They got together withsome Senate investigators for the GOP minority and Hill told them the whole story, including the part played by Vice President Johnson. Williamsgot his committee to launch an investigation and the lid came off.

A few days later, the attorney general, Bobby Kennedy, called five of
Washington's top reporters into his office and told them it was now open season on Lyndon Johnson. It's OK, he told them, to go after the story theywere ignoring out of deference to the administration.

And from that point on until the events in Dallas, Lyndon Baines Johnson's futurelooked as if it included a sudden end to his political career and a few yearsin the slammer. The Kennedys had their knives out and sharpened for himand were determined to draw his political blood - all of it.

In the Senate, the investigation into the Baker case was moving quickly ahead.Even the Democrats were cooperating, thanks to the Kennedys, and anawful lot of really bad stuff was being revealed - until Nov. 22, 1963.

By Nov. 23, all Democrat cooperation suddenly stopped. Lyndon would serve aterm and a half in the White House instead of the slammer, the Baker investigation would peter out and Bobby Baker would serve a short sentence andgo free. Dallas accomplished all of that.

Sometimes I wonder: If I had not met Hill and convinced him to go public with thestory, and the Bobby Baker case and Lyndon's part in it had not come out asa result, would Dallas not have happened? I don't like to think about that.

And that's why I am convinced that McClellan is on to something. I hope hepersists. There's an incredible amount of sordid government corruption thatneeds to be aired in public. As McClellan says, it's about time that the
American people learned the truth about the death of John Fitzgerald
Kennedy.

And a lot more.

Phil Brennan is a veteran journalist who writes for NewsMax.com. He is editor &publisher of Wednesday on the Web (http://www.pvbr.com) and wasWashington columnist for National Review magazine in the 1960s. He also served as a staff aide for the House Republican Policy Committee and
helped handle the Washington public relations operation for the Alaska
Statehood Committee which won statehood for Alaska. He is also a trustee
of the Lincoln Heritage Institute and a member of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers.

He can be reached at phil@newsmax.com.

Bobby Baker, Lyndon Johnson and the Assassination of JFK (2024)
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